![]() Ultimately, this analysis adopts a middle ground. The latter may offer a clearer picture of the shape of the income distribution within a regional economy, but may produce large differences in the definition of “middle class” across metro areas that obscure true variation in the share of households that have what most observers would consider to be a middle-class income. The former provides a more apples-to-apples comparison of incomes across metro areas, but may fail to take sufficient account of the differences in what it takes to be “middle class” (i.e., costs of living) in different regional settings. One could calculate specific thresholds for each metro area based on its median income, then calculate the share of households with incomes between those thresholds.Įach of these approaches (and others) has advantages and disadvantages. Many federal programs use 60 percent or 80 percent of a metropolitan area’s median income as a dividing line between low/moderate and middle income. Vary the definition of middle class for each metropolitan area based on its own middle, i.e., median.income distribution, then calculate the share of households in each metropolitan area who have incomes between the thresholds implied by that quintile. For instance, define the middle class as the middle 20 percent of the U.S. Apply a uniform national definition of the middle class to data for metro areas.One could measure the size of the middle class in metro areas in at least two ways: Click here to explore the interactive dashboard: Share of metro area households by income category » It concludes with observations on the value of measuring middle-class size and status locally. Looking across 382 metro areas, this analysis spotlights variation in the size of the middle class, factors associated with that variation, and trends in middle-class representation over time. While there are few truly metropolitan governments in the United States, actors in many of the policy areas noted above work to influence economic opportunity at that scale. This report examines the presence of the middle class in America’s metropolitan areas, the collections of cities and surrounding suburbs that represent the nation’s regional economies. But given different life situations and perceptions of wealth, there's a good chance not everyone who feels middle class actually is, and vice-versa.By the same token, many public policies and institutions that affect the size and stability of the middle class are also local in nature, such as economic and workforce development, transportation and housing, and K-12 schools and community colleges. And statistically speaking, they could all be correct. Though the share of upper-middle and middle-class-identifying adults was larger - around 63% of adults in 2003 - before the Great Recession, it never fell below 50%, and still hasn't even through the brief, but sharp, recession caused by the Covid-19 pandemic.Īs of April 2022, 52% of adults consider themselves middle or upper-middle class. The poll does not define middle class for respondents, but simply asks if they identify as upper, upper-middle, middle, working or lower class. adult population has consistently identified as middle or upper-middle class since 2002, according to Gallup polling. Generally speaking, anyone who isn't living "paycheck-to-paycheck" but couldn't necessarily stop working tomorrow and be financially secure for the long-term might consider themselves middle class.Īt least half of the U.S. There are other statistical-based definitions of middle class and an even broader list of more anecdotal definitions. Remember, this is based on just one definition of middle class.
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